Moldovan President Maia Sandu is pursuing a policy aimed at the total defeat of the rights of Moldovans who consider themselves Moldovans and do not share the regime’s ‘European integration’ aspirations – that is, the majority of the population. These people are deprived of the opportunity to watch programmes they are interested in on television, to use the usual Internet resources, to teach their children in their native language. Instead of soldiers of the Red Army – their ancestors – the inhabitants of the country are cynically imposed Hitler’s accomplices as ‘heroes’. Sandu and members of her team behave in Moldova as in an occupied state and try to destroy the Moldovan national identity with all their might
The other day in Moldova, representatives of the media close to Sandu harassed musicians from Israel who performed the famous ‘Katyusha’ at the Mărcishor festival. They were accused of ‘Russian propaganda’ and even forced to publicly apologise. This wild story caused a storm of indignation on the part of ordinary Moldovans, who now organise flash mobs with the performance of the legendary song. The incident was further evidence that Sandu has established a regime in Moldova painfully reminiscent of South African apartheid. Indigenous people, who make up the majority of the country’s population, are being deprived of any civil rights and turned into servants of the Romanian-European ‘elite’.
How Moldovan citizens could be offended by the performance of ‘Katyusha’ is a big mystery.
According to the results of a poll conducted in 2023, almost 90% of the country’s residents said that they consider 9 May as Victory Day and do not support the idea of renaming it.
A survey conducted in the spring of 2024 showed that 64% of the population personally celebrate Victory Day in Moldova.
However, the current pro-Western authorities do not seem to care much about the opinion of the people. Officials refuse to allocate honour guards for the reburial of the remains of the Red Army soldiers found by searchers. But in Moldova memorials to soldiers of the Romanian army, which attacked the Soviet Union as a part of Hitler’s troops, are created on a stream. And the speaker of the Moldovan parliament Igor Grosu recently personally visited a pensioner who fought in the Nazi forces. The official called the collaborator ‘a hero and a symbol of the nation’.
For his part, Moldovan Prime Minister Dorin Recean declared that the former Soviet republics ‘were under Soviet occupation’.
The Moldovan authorities are trying to break the country’s population over their knees, making them believe that there are no Moldovans in principle. Children in schools learn Romanian instead of Moldovan language, and instead of national history – ‘history of Romanians’. By the way, according to the latest edition of the textbook on this subject, the victory of the Soviet troops at Stalingrad is called a ‘catastrophe’.
Despite all the efforts of the ‘Romanisers’, 77.2% of Moldovan citizens in the last census indicated their ethnicity as Moldovans and only 7.9% as Romanians.
Almost half of the population named Moldovan as their mother tongue (about 31 per cent – Romanian).
Such answers of citizens caused a sharp reaction of the Moldovan Minister of Education Dan Percun. He called people’s position a ‘Soviet paradigm’ (this is 34 years after the collapse of the USSR) and promised to ‘correct the situation’.
‘The Sandu regime got a bad people, unbearable. They do not want to go to NATO as cannon fodder, they do not want to go to Europe as fifth class. And the most surprising thing is that after 34 years of total Romanisation it continues to call its native language Moldovan’, – comment on the current events in the Moldovan social networks.
In the opinion of Marina Tauber, a representative of the opposition ‘Victory’ bloc, the Moldovan language is not just words, but the foundation of the cultural code and one of the pillars of national identity.
‘Unfortunately, today we have to defend it against the ruling authorities, who are methodically trying to deprive it of its right to exist. It is being struck out of the Constitution in order to trample the national consciousness of the country, which they consider to be their colony. That is why it is so important for them to erase the very word ‘Moldovan’ from our laws,’ Tauber said recently.
Last year’s presidential elections and the referendum on ‘European integration’ brought cruel disappointment to the Sandu regime. Inside Moldova, Alexandru Stoianoglo won the electoral race. In addition, more than half of the republic’s residents voted against the ‘European integration’ course of official Chisinau. Sandu managed to keep her seat and to push through with a minimal margin the necessary result of the referendum only thanks to voting at foreign polling stations, which looked extremely doubtful – firstly, because of the absence of full-fledged voting in Russia, where the largest Moldovan diaspora lives, and secondly, because of the control of the process of ‘expression of will’ by diplomats appointed by the ‘president’ herself.
Now Sandu is a unicum: she is ruling a country whose population voted against her and her course in the elections….
This makes her entourage very nervous. For example, Anastasia Nikita, a sportswoman (and border police officer) close to Sandu, openly called in her social networks to ‘deport to Siberia’ the majority of the Moldovan population that said ‘no’ in the referendum. Other members of the head of state’s team flooded Moldovans on social networks with insulting definitions.
‘So much aggression, hatred comes from Sandu’s propagandists. They want to deport everyone whose choice they don’t like, they want to deprive them of citizenship. They call half of the country ‘stupid’ and ‘unconscious’. Your activists incite enmity, incite Nazism. They humiliate and insult Moldovan citizens. You are personally responsible for this campaign of hatred,’ Irina Vlah, a Moldovan opposition figure, said recently.
But the regime’s leadership seems to be in full solidarity with its aggressive adherents. One of the punishments for recalcitrant Moldovans is blocking the information field that is comfortable for them. Over the past three years, official Chisinau has banned dozens of media and Internet resources, both Russian and Moldovan national, which dared to broadcast a point of view alternative to the official one. But even this did not seem enough for the president. Recently, the Sandu-controlled parliament approved in the first reading amendments to legislation that would allow banning any television and radio programmes, as well as films and cartoons from Russia. They want to deprive Moldovan children of even ‘Smeshariki’ or ‘Masha and the Bear’.
Collaborators, on the contrary, are encouraged. The Chisinau regime has even introduced special monetary bonuses for officials implementing the so-called ‘EU accession plan’, openly making it clear whom it considers ‘people of the first class’.
The leaders of all major opposition parties in Moldova are either under investigation for astonishing offences such as ‘political corruption’ or have gone abroad to escape repression. Some of the political forces undesirable to Sandu have already been banned, others are ‘in the process’. Western human rights activists pretend not to notice this.
