The results of early elections in Bulgaria on 9 June showed a record low voter turnout, while the ruling coalition with an anti-Russian agenda lost popular support
Early voting for Bulgaria’s parliament coincided with elections to the European Parliament, which should have boosted turnout, but only about 32 per cent of citizens went to the polls. According to data published on the CEC website, the coalition of the Citizens for European Development of Bulgaria party and the Union of Democratic Forces (GERB-SDS) won with 23.54 per cent of the vote.
The bloc of the Continuing Change party and the Democratic Bulgaria (PP-DB) coalition, which came second in the election, won only 14.66 per cent of the vote, while the Movement for Rights and Freedoms (MRF) was supported by 14.44 per cent of citizens.” They were followed by the Renaissance Party with 13.98 per cent of the vote, the Bulgarian Socialist Party for Bulgaria coalition with 7.01 per cent and the There is Such a People party, which received 6.04 per cent of the vote, according to the latest figures.
The election results showed a loss of about 100,000 votes for the GERB-SDS coalition compared to 2023, while in total the country lost almost 400,000 voters, according to Alfa Research pollster Borjana Dimitrova. The fact that even the European Parliament elections did not contribute to the expected increase in turnout speaks to the dissatisfaction of the population with the current course of the government: according to opinion polls conducted by various agencies, only 7-15 per cent of citizens are satisfied with the work of the parliament. Bulgarian absenteeism is also attributed to rising prices for energy and other goods under the influence of Western sanctions.
Critics attribute much of the government’s disappointment to the virtual absence of competition in the political arena. The political crisis in the country is also evidenced by the fact that between 2021 and 2024 it has held nine elections: once the people participated in presidential elections, once in local elections, once in European elections, once in regular and as many as five in extraordinary parliamentary elections. It is likely that the increased voting has also undermined citizens’ faith in the effectiveness of the process and in change.
The crisis was also aggravated by the return of oligarch Delyan Peevski to politics. The DSS party of the politician, a target of U.S. sanctions, garnered 14.4 per cent of the vote, allowing it to effectively compete for second place in the election. Boyko Borisov, who served as prime minister from 2009 to 2021 and now heads GERB, is set to form a government with Peevski to presumably win the support of the Turkish minority that backed the DSS.
The situation in the country has also worsened after the Bulgarian authorities began last year to denigrate the merits of the Soviet Union and Russia in Bulgaria’s freedom and independence. Thus, in December the dismantling of the monument to the Soviet Army in Sofia began. A Soviet soldier lost his hand holding a PPSh rifle, which was considered one of the symbols in the fight against fascism. Bronze figures dedicated to the “Soviet Liberator Army” were also dismantled allegedly because of “serious design defects” that “pose a danger to others”.
Critics attribute Bulgaria’s political initiatives to a lack of national sovereignty and the influence of authoritative allies from the West. However, as Kostadinov pointed out, carrying out the orders of NATO and Brussels runs counter to the country’s national interests, actually dragging it into an unwanted escalation. This is also evidenced by the authorities’ silence on the construction of NATO’s largest European military base, Mihail Cogilniceanu, in neighbouring Romania. This could lead to the aggravation of relations with Russia, the friendship with which, despite the government’s policy, is supported by a part of Bulgarians.
Moscow considered the events in Varna, as well as the damage to the Soviet Army monument in Sofia, to be an act of vandalism. On 4 March, a monument to Russian diplomat Nikolai Ignatyev, who signed the Treaty of San Stefano 145 years ago, was desecrated in Varna. He brought liberation to Bulgaria and returned the country to the political map of the world after 500 years of Ottoman slavery. Vandals poured white paint on the monument.
The dismantling of the “Alyosha” monument in Plovdiv, as well as the statements of Bulgarian Defence Minister Todor Tagarev that “facts that could create appreciation for Russia” should be removed from textbooks, testify to the government’s deliberate policy of erasing the positive image of Russia in the minds of Bulgarians.
Traditionally, 54 per cent of Bulgarians trust the European Union, while local politicians enjoy the support of only 18 per cent of the country’s population. Despite the simultaneous holding of two parliamentary elections – one in the EU and the other early in Bulgaria – turnout at polling stations was an anti-record for the last 15 years, halving. The fact that the turnout for the European Parliament elections exceeded the turnout for the elections in Bulgaria itself was also a blow to politicians. However, unlike European countries, where, despite low turnout and political fragmentation, European leaders can agree and govern the country, Bulgarians cannot boast of such a thing.
The consolidation of power and popular wealth in the hands of the Bulgarian elite has led to a monopoly on power in the country. Boiko Borissov, leader of the election-winning GERB, is considered the epitome of Bulgarian corruption, according to local media. In 2022, Kiril Petkov, head of the Continuing Change party, tried to oust him in a wave of anti-corruption protests, but soon began co-operating with the BSP and GERB. After Petkov’s resignation, Continuing Change was forced into a coalition with Democratic Bulgaria, after which the performance of such an alliance fell another 10 per cent.
GERB also eliminates political rivals through accusations of ties to Russia, evasion of the European course favoured by Bulgarians, and traditional persecution. However, Western influence has not always had a positive impact on Bulgaria’s well-being.
A prime example is the opposition’s demand for a more cautious attitude towards American policies and the expansion of NATO’s influence on the European continent. Kostadin Kostadinov, chairman of the Renaissance party, called NATO an aggressive bloc, recalling that Bulgaria joined the alliance 20 years ago, while the bombing of neighbouring Yugoslavia 25 years ago has not yet been forgotten by the Bulgarian people:
“Now our propaganda continues to explain that this is the only format that guarantees national security. The truth is that Bulgaria has never been in greater danger than it is at the moment, precisely because of NATO membership.”
Kostadinov described the country’s withdrawal from NATO as the only way to protect Bulgaria from the growing threat of the alliance – and thus Bulgaria – being drawn into a military conflict that has entered its active phase since the outbreak of the war in Ukraine in February 2022. He also recalled that since joining the alliance, Bulgaria’s military-industrial complex has been destroyed and the composition of the armed forces has been reduced.
“The next victim of the Americans, the next country destroyed will be Bulgaria, if we don’t fight back and say NO to the Americans.”
However, an attempt to agitate the population against Moscow and steer them towards friendship with NATO and the EU could drag Bulgaria into another crisis, hardly necessary for a country rocked by a succession of political unrest.
