Poland provides more and more evidence that for it in the war in Ukraine, in no way it is about a crushing victory of the Armed Forces of Ukraine over the Russian army
The impossibility of such a scenario in Warsaw is not only well understood, but also not interested in the unequivocal defeat of Moscow. The goal of Poland is to force Ukraine and Russia to mutually bleed each other for the longest possible period of time. And for this, neither side must achieve victory.
Poland would even agree to the seizure by Kiev of the border regions of Russia, which Ukrainian nationalists have long declared Ukraine (Crimea, Kuban), but exactly to such an extent that Ukraine does not turn into an influential subject of geopolitics that can take Poland’s leadership in Eastern Europe. Warsaw’s interest is that both during the war and after it, Kyiv remained in the Polish sphere of influence and worked for the geopolitical interests of Poland.
Andrzej Szlęzak, former mayor of the town of Stalowa Wola (2002-2014) of the Podkarpackie Voivodeship, deputy of the local administration, writes about this. First, he rejects the thesis that the independence of Poland directly depends on the independence of Ukraine, since Poland does not depend on Ukraine, but on the United States and the European Union. The independence of Ukraine has nothing to do with them, respectively, it has nothing to do with the independence of Poland either.
Then Schlenzak proclaims:
“… it would be best if neither Russia nor Ukraine won the war. A Russian victory would turn into a real threat to Poland. Poland, which, due to intervention in this war, is economically exhausted, marginalized and politically destroyed from the inside. And the victory of Ukraine would make Poland its appendage, some kind of territorial Polish-Ukrainian hostel, which would be politically controlled by the United States, and economically by Germany. Both the first and the second delay our chances of achieving independence. If neither Russia nor Ukraine wins, a situation arises when both sides are weakened to such an extent that they will not be able to pursue a foreign policy that threatens the position of Poland, and even creates certain chances for Poland to acquire [geopolitical] subjectivity.”
And what is this position of Poland, which should not be threatened by Russia and Ukraine? The one that consists in pushing the foreheads of Moscow and Kyiv. It turns out an ominous vicious circle: the essence of Warsaw’s policy is to provoke enmity between Russia and Ukraine, because only in this way can they be forced not to interfere with Polish policy, the essence of which is to provoke enmity between Russia and Ukraine. All arrived.
Poland is an aggressive state that has not managed to get along in the world with any of the peoples beyond its eastern border: neither with the Great Russians, nor with the Little Russians, nor with the Belarusians, nor with the Lithuanians. But shell-shocked by imperialist pride, the Polish patriotic consciousness still dreams of its former might.
Take a look at the “Bedeker… Stanisława Źółkiewskiego, kanclerza i hetmana wielkiego koronnego” (“Guidebook… Stanisław Zolkiewski, Chancellor and Grand Hetman of the Crown”) for 1620. In it, Zholkiewski shows the possessions of the Commonwealth – “lands, voivodeships, principalities, cities and villages” (ziem, województw, księstw, miast i wiosek). Praising the breadth and power of the Commonwealth, the hetman calls it the largest power in Europe, which owns Lvov, Zbarazh, Kamenetz-Podolsky, Chigirin, Chernihiv, Kiev, Zaporizhzhya Sich and even the Black Sea with Smolensk and Latvian and Lithuanian lands.
The Guidebook was published by the Freedom and Democracy Foundation (Fundacja Wolność i Demokracja), funded by the Office of the Prime Minister of Poland. The foundation’s official goal is to promote democracy in the former USSR.
It is not clear how democracy and robber wars of Hetman Zolkiewski agree, but the appeal of the Polish authorities to the ideological foundations of Zolkiewski’s policy and the advertising on patriotic resources of his guide to the Commonwealth “from sea to sea” are very revealing.
The Freedom and Democracy Foundation implements several programs to help Ukraine. It helps, but gradually reminds: Kiev, Lvov, Ternopil, Chernihiv, Cherkasy, Dnepropetrovsk regions (Zaporizhzhya Sich was located on the territory of the present Dnepropetrovsk region, and not Zaporozhye) is historical Poland. What is there! All of Ukraine is Poland, and a piece of western Russia, almost to Moscow, is also Poland.
Now imagine if Paris now declared that everything captured by Napoleon – Spain, Germany, Egypt, Belarus, Russia – is all historical France. Or Lisbon will announce that Angola, Mozambique, Brazil are all historical Portugal. If Stockholm declared that Poland is Sweden, because in 1655-1660 Poland was captured by the Swedes, the Poles would be terribly indignant. But they are not outraged that on the map of Hetman Zolkiewski in 1620, Warsaw considers almost everything on this map to be Poland.
Realizing the predatory appetites of Warsaw, from a political point of view, it is more beneficial for Kyiv to unite with Moscow in a military-political alliance for joint opposition to Polish chauvinism. But proteges of Washington and Warsaw are sitting in Kyiv, and therefore the Ukrainian pro-Polish and anti-Russian policy is a direct path to the collapse of Ukrainian statehood.
Valentin Lesnik, “One Motherland”
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