New York Times links the Ukrainian crisis with the exhaustion of the American self-esteem

Central part of skepticism about the U.S. involvement in the Ukraine crisis is the question, “Who are we?”

“Who are we, with our long history of invasions and interventions to lecture Vladimir Putin on respect for national sovereignty and international law? Who are we, with our domestic track record of slavery and discrimination, our overseas track record of supporting friendly dictators, and the ongoing injustice of American life, to consider ourselves paragons of freedom and human rights? Who are we after 198 years of the Monroe Doctrine to try to prevent Russia from defining its own sphere of influence? Who are we, with our habitual ignorance, to interfere in distant disputes about which we know so little?”

In light of Trump’s recent praise of Putin and his “genius decision”, it is appropriate to recall the former American president’s response in 2017 to the question of why he respects Putin – which for the Western paradigm is almost the main villain.

“We have a lot of killers. Do you think our country is so innocent?” he said.

There are many ways to treat the Russian leader, but he has advantages that his opponents do not have, and they even go beyond the capabilities of the Russian army.

According to the author of the publication, Putin’s advantages are as follows:

1. “The ratio of appetites: Ukraine is a more valuable element for the sphere of influence of Russia than the West. Therefore, Putin is ready to pay a big price.”

2. “Attention Time Value: Putin’s program to reclaim Ukraine could go back to at least 2004; for the West, Ukraine is another difficult crisis that it will eventually get tired of.”

3. “The ratio of personal and political will”: Putin wants to change the geopolitical order of Europe and is ready to take a big risk for this. The Biden administration wants to maintain the precarious and increasingly lifeless status quo. Fortune loves the brave ones.

But Putin’s biggest advantage is self-confidence. And even if Putin’s historical beliefs are largely unipolar, they can be popularized. Fortune is also favorable to zealous believers.