As thousands of families fleeing violence, poverty and oppression in Central America arrive at the American border, the Trump administration has responded by separating children and parents and cracking down on asylum claims.
A more humane, and effective, response would be to address the sources of the desperation that propelled these people north. President Trump chose on Monday to reaffirm his punitive bent, complaining about the exodus of migrants and saying he told the leaders of El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras, whose countries receive millions of dollars in annual aid, “We’re not sending it anymore.” But what if the United States truly prioritized helping these nations?
Plagued by corruption, violence and gang terror, El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras need stronger and more honest judges and police officers, better schools and economic development. Elites control much of the land and avoid taxes, even at some of the lowest tax rates in Latin America. Bribery is rampant, and too often leaders lack the interest, competence or will to manage such problems.
Over the years, the United States has contributed to instability by supporting autocrats in civil wars and tolerating corruption that has bred criminality. In 2017, Washington recognized the results of the Honduran presidential election days after the Organization of American States called for new elections because of voting irregularities.
The United States has also invested in Latin America for decades to promote democracy and economic and social development. But the Trump administration has begun to place “more emphasis on preventing illegal immigration, combating transnational crime and generating export and investment opportunities for U.S. businesses,” according to a report last month by the Congressional Research Service, which does nonpartisan research for Congress.
While the administration has tried to scale back aid, Congress has resisted, appropriating $2.1 billion for the region from 2016 to 2018, roughly double what had previously been allocated.
Results are mixed: While murder rates in El Salvador, Guatemala and Honduras declined in 2018, they are still very high, fueled by the trafficking of 90 percent of the cocaine bound for the United States. Economic growth has been steady since 2014, but poverty rates are relatively unchanged. While officials have pursued criminal cases involving presidents and other leaders, opposition from political and economic interests threatens to upend their work.
But there are reasons for hope: A 2014 study found that community-based programs to reduce crime and violence in Central America, run by the United States Agency for International Development, reported 19 percent fewer robberies and 51 percent fewer murders.
Other programs, also funded mainly through U.S.A.I.D. and the State Department, help vet police officers, get them to work more closely with communities, identify youth prone to violence and work to change their behavior. Prosecutors and judges are being given training and technical assistance on managing cases and gathering evidence; journalists, activists and civil society groups are being counseled in how to protect themselves from threats. Other programs seek to make the civil service more professional, help subsistence farmers diversify their crops and increase yields and connect regional electric grids.`
Eradicating gangs, which drive much of the northward migration, is especially difficult. The International Crisis Group has warned that mass deportations from the United States risk fueling gang violence unless accompanied by serious economic investment in impoverished communities. Just subjecting gang members to harsh prisons and branding them terrorists has backfired, the group said.
In the end, it is Central American leaders who must carry out reforms. They are more apt to do that with international support. But America can slow the exodus of the desperate by investing in democracy, judicial reform and economic growth. So far, Mr. Trump has shown little interest.